By Shakir Akorede

It’s no more news—one in every five of the world’s out-of-school children is in Nigeria.

If that is appalling, generally speaking, the case of the northern part of the country is even scarier. In northern Nigeria, Only 61% of 6–11 year-olds regularly attend primary school, while only 35.6% of children aged 36–59 months receive early childhood education, as revealed by the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF).

Nigeria’s education crisis is blamed on many factors most commonly economic barriers, ill socio-cultural practices and, recently, security challenges. But one prime factor is often ignored—corruption. According to Transparency International, more than half of Nigeria’s education budget is lost to corruption. Sadly, this robs the sector of resources needed to get poor children in urban and rural communities in school so they have equal access to education.

Although Nigeria is known for its low education budget, corruption is yet responsible for poor funding and thus abysmal infrastructures, inadequacy of classrooms and quality teachers as well as poor learning environment—all which contribute to Nigeria’s 10.5 million out-of-school children.

Arguably, war against corruption in the education sector seems the most vital step to reverse the dangerous trend.

This explains why Follow The Money, supported by the MacArthur Foundation, deployed its advocacy and project monitoring arsenal to ensure the delivery of $1.5 million (570 million Naira) in education infrastructure across four local governments in Kaduna State, playing a tripartite role: community engagement, project tracking and assurance of quality service delivery, and taking pupils off the street.

“Our work was important in Kaduna State because the state had signed up on the Open Government Partnership (OGP) – the first Nigerian state to do so,” said Hamzat Lawal, founder and CEO of Follow The Money. However, being an OGP member isn’t a silver bullet to good governance and accountability. “For democracy to really work in Nigeria, we must take citizen engagement very seriously,” added Hamzat.

And that proves to be true. “Before the coming of Follow The Money, the community was in the dark. We didn’t know what the government was doing to us,” Yohanna Zuberu, a community member in Jema’a, opens up in a documentary. His assertion would be affirmed by an official of the Kaduna State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB). “There’s been a gap in the interaction with the community members,” the official, Mubarak Muhammed, said, adding however, “With the constant advocacy by Follow The Money, we are able to say that community members are more aware of what is happening around them. There’s this renewed effort to ensure that for every new project we must inform the people of what is to come and what the expectations should be.”

As of January 2020, Follow The Money’s civic action in Kaduna has facilitated the construction and rehabilitation of 23 primary schools in the four local governments of Jema’a, Kajuru, Kudan, and Zangon Kataf, with an impressive enrollment of over 200,000 children in those schools and other existing ones.

Interestingly, this effort would trigger unexpected results in Kaduna State. By September 2019, the State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) had launched an extensive campaign, going far beyond the four local governments, to enrol 145,000 children in school. In a news report, the board’s Social Mobilisation Acting Director, Ibrahim Aminu said that the policy was targeted at all categories of out-of-school children with the aim to enrol 727,764 out-of-school children in the next five years.

Making the Impossible Possible

Children education is one of the most intractable social challenges in Northern Nigeria. No surprise Follow The Money is seen to be moving mountains.

“The strategy used in Kaduna to decrease the number of out-of-school children was to get the community members and the educational sector to work together. First we created School Monitoring Teams (SMTs) teams, which is a mixture of all the community governance structures to be able to track the implementation of school projects across board” explains Kingsley Agu, Follow The Money project officer.

Expatiating on that model, Hamzat Lawal notes, “Follow The Money bottom-up and top-bottom approach is taking data needs assessment from the community input, putting it into government development plans and taking government commitment down to the people to collect feedback.” On the Kaduna education project, he adds with stern commitment on his face, “Follow The Money would help ensure the acceleration and implementation of this important policy commitment from the government, creating an environment where citizens can give feedback and where they can hold their government to account on public expenditure.”

On rebuilding primary education infrastructure in Kaduna State, Follow the Money is not only strengthening accountability and delivery of public goods to the most vulnerable section of the society, it is improving access to education, creating new hopes for a better future.

“We have recorded a considerable amount of success in project implementation, especially in terms of transparency. Gone are the days where projects are being awarded and not being delivered even when monies have been paid,” a SUBEB official says.

‘Kevwe P. Oghide

A growing group of young Nigerians are demanding that the government accounts for the $8.9 billion dollars donated by international agencies, corporate organisations and individuals to tackle the Coronavirus pandemic and secure the country’s failing healthcare and economic infrastructure.

Follow the Money is holding Nigerian Government to Transparency Standards

A social accountability initiative, Follow the Money, largely driven by youths who are holding government to accountable standards and ensuring they deliver on improving public services have expressed deep concerns about government’s responsiveness to battling COVID. At the time when the first donation for COVID was announced late March 2020, young Follow the Money activists began trailing and tracking the funds closely, asking pertinent accountability questions and following the money to ensure proper allocations and spending to fight the pandemic.

The young activists tracking COVID funds were not backing down during the lockdown, they deployed online tools to monitor spending, drive conversation to spark actions and advocate for a transparent and inclusive approach, urging government stakeholders to make public all funds released for the fight against COVID and its implementation plans. They are collectively challenging their federal and state government to be more responsive to requests for detailed reports on COVID spending.

Over 60% of Nigerians distrust the government—given a history of inherent corruption and financial leakages, coupled with the widening inequality gap and its poor economic performance. Governance has also been marked by a lack of transparency, poor accountability, careless leadership, opaque budget systems and lack of civic involvement.

Already, over 4000 Follow the Money activists across the 36 States of Nigeria, including the Federal Capital Territory, are tracking funds, documenting procurement processes distribution of palliatives, cash transfer programs and amplifying voices of people in marginalised communities who are not beneficiaries of COVID palliatives. One of the beneficiaries 53-year old retiree turned cab driver, John Usegwu who lives in a rural area in Inyanya part of the country’s capital, Abuja. Usegwu noted that although he is glad the government gave them palliatives, it is insufficient to feed his family of 6 , especially as this is a one-time support . As a cab driver, Usegwu’s means of livelihood was hampered due to the lockdown enforcement.

Using online and Off-line Advocacy tools during pandemic lockdown reveals how Government spent $8.9 billion dollars on COVID

The influx of huge donations, cumulating to $8.9 billion dollars, was impressive at the beginning but to date details about spending have been patchy, confirming fears that the donations would end up in personal pockets. Official statements on COVID supplies surveillance, palliatives distribution, isolation centers and capacity building were often evasive. In the early stage when the Follow the Money activists started tracking donations and spending, the founder of the initiative, Hamzat Lawal took to Twitter to ask the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Mele Kyari, for details of $28.8 million claimed to be donated by the NNPC and 30 partners. Kyari responded that “all donations will be in kind.” Similar vague responses by the government, makes it difficult for citizens to hold any public institution to transparency standards.

Some officials have been responsive to Follow The Money’s request for information on how COVID funds are being utilized. The Accountant-General of the Federation in a response to Follow The Money’s freedom of Information (FoI) request, compiled a breakdown of how it dispensed 84% of N36 Billion it received to tackle COVID. It revealed that it gave $57.8 million to the Presidential Task Force on COVID-19 and distributed $18.4 million to support COVID-19 initiatives in the 36 States of the country. $2.3 billion was given to the Nigerian Air Force (NAF) for the deployment of assets in support of COVID-19 operations; while the Nigeria Police received $1.3million on personal protective equipment and $47 was paid as bank charges.”

Follow The Money sent 57 FoI request letters, received by 27 State Government agencies, requesting details of COVID19 funds and the distribution of palliatives. Of the 6 States that responded, Ondo State revealed that it spent $6.3m on medical services and food distribution to the vulnerable and $150,000 on face masks and medical supplies while Oyo State reported its spending of $5.3 million to tackle COVID. The other 4 provided sparse information, assuring that palliatives were distributed accordingly, even though there were no details of distribution and evidence of the same. It was no surprise when palliative hideouts were stormed by hungry Nigerians—who have had to endure a deplorable economic situation and poverty level worsened by the impact of the coronavirus. The discovery of the hideouts further exposes the rot and persistent corruption in leadership.

Vague Procurement Processes means Follow the Money and BudgIT must carry out a Social Audit in Africa

On a larger scale, unclear procurement processes are drivers of corruption in implementing government projects. The national emergency procurement policies were updated only after Follow the Money activists demanded, during a webinar on Emergency Procurement to fight a Pandemic, that the Bureau of Public Procurement and the Central Bank update their emergency policies in the wake of COVID. The call stated that a transparent procurement platform and an open-data approach can promote accountability, strengthen due diligence and prevent financial leakages and corruption. Shortly after, government agencies paid attention: the BPP, the Accountant-General of the Federation, Ministry of Finance and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission published guidelines for the management of COVID-19 donation funds.

Still, weak transparency and poor accountability often impede the implementation of standard policies. Despite the promise of the Federal Ministry of Finance, the Budget and National Planning to be more Freedom of Information (FoI)-compliant, citizens are yet to receive the total sum of donations by international bodies, private organisations, individuals and institutions to fight the pandemic.

Although BudgIT, a social accountability organisation, recently demanded a breakdown of the 8.9 billion spent by CBN on COVID19 response, accessing information on palliatives distribution and COVID interventions has proven to be an uphill task.

The issue in Nigeria is no different from many African countries. To further combat the menace of poor government transparency and accountability in public finance in Africa, CODE and BudgIT, in collaboration with Global Integrity, have now launched the COVID-19 Transparency and Accountability Project (CTAP), an initiative that will spearhead a social audit of COVID-19 intervention funds in Kenya, Malawi, Cameroun, Ghana, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Nigeria.

The response to pandemics should prioritize the participation of citizens, including needs assessments and provision of palliatives, procurement and delivery of items, thus, the primary aim of this project will be to drive citizens’ engagement using innovative tech tools, creating an interactive portal to publish COVID data and fact-checking public institutions activities on spending to combat the pandemic.

CTAP will also address the threat of lack of accountability and the effects of COVID-19 on socio-economic development. It will strengthen existing tools and build new ones where necessary to match citizens’ needs in the current emergency response and use technology platforms as a means to drive accountability on the importance of optimising public resources in an emergency situation.

Although poor access to information and secrecy in government have proven to be challenges, Follow the Money and Tracka are unrelenting in their mission to promote fiscal transparency and hold governments to transparency standards. Citizens must be alert, demanding that government agencies and institutions provide civil society groups and the media, acting as watchdogs in this crucial time, with accurate and timely information.

By Charles E. Uche Esq & Hyeladzira J. Mshelia

In the view of Socrates, intellectualism allows that “one will do what is right or best just as soon as one truly understands what is right or best.” The virtue is a purely intellectual matter, since virtue and knowledge are familial relatives, which a person accrues and improves with dedication to reason.

Thus, the aim of this article is to make people understand what is right and best, so they can be better in respect to the “gender problem”.

I, recently, read a piquant novella by Chimamanda N. Adichie “We Should All Be Feminists”. With instrumentality of the book, I mirrored our society, cultures, laws, and so forth, as well as my relationship with women and found institutionalised and inherent flaws. These flaws usually require a consciousness to be conspicuous or be noticed. A consciousness which many men fail to have because of “male privilege”. An ignorant privilege.

Just a few weeks ago, a Northern representative in the House of Representatives Chamber, ignorantly commented that women should be allowed to succeed, given opportunities, but not too much and his wife depends on him. As he said this, I anxiously waited for the Speaker of the House to call him to order for the comment. I was disappointed when he let it pass. Albeit, the disappointment was short-lived as soon as I remembered the sad reality that Nigeria is a nation that mostly regards women in general as chattels; and whose laws and cultural practises are oppressive to the feminine gender. A typical example is section 55 (1)(d) of the Penal Code which permits a husband to beat his wife for the purpose of correcting her. Interestingly, the Violence Against Persons Prohibition (VAPP) Act of 2015 prohibits and penalize spousal battery, but not spousal rape. 

The relationship between gender and violence is intricate. Different roles and behaviours of females and males, children as well as adults, are shaped and reinforced by gender norms within society. Often gender inequalities increase the tendency of women to be susceptible to violence and abuses. For instance, traditional beliefs and social norms portray that men have a right to control women and unfortunately, this  preconditioning also hinders the ability of affected women to come out of abusive situations or seek support. It’s interesting to see a wide range of bilateral, multilateral, philanthropic, and civil society actors – such as Connected Development [CODE] – working towards tackling barbaric social norms that deny girls of the right to education, women of the right to ambition and rape culture. CODE is also advocating for an end to Gender Based Violence in Nigeria.

I had in mind to write an elaborate appraisal of Ms. Adichie’s work vis-à-vis other contemporary issues affecting the female gender in Nigeria, and demonstrating how I am occasionally guilty of this “ignorant bias” as a young male.

In addition to reading Adichie’s “Dear Ijeawele or A Feminist Manifesto in Fifteen Suggestions”, I’ll attempt to make a much more succinct article on the entire issue.

Without much ado, here are ten (10) points from the book that need imbibing:

1. Feminism arises from a “consciousness” of being; and Men can be feminists too.
2. In the quest for equality, men who adopt a hands-off approach; who bask in the comfort of “male privilege” are tacitly promoting misogyny, patriarchy and androcentrism.
3. Men (and women) must be “actively” thinking about, noticing and discussing gender problems (in the family, work place, cultures, laws, etc) with hopes of devising solutions to them.
4. The reorientation of the mind, especially in the upbringing of our kids is crucial to tackling the gender problem. To decry gender-specific roles and expectations, we cannot raise boys to be hard and stoic in order to be a “Man” and girls to be soft and courteous.
5. The fact that males have more testosterone level and thus, are physically stronger than females does not make females the “weaker vessels”.
6. We don’t live in the stone “survivor of the fittest” age anymore where the physically-stronger exercises dominance over the less physically-stronger. Women don’t need the “protection” or “approval” of men.
7. A person’s qualifications, ability to be innovative, creative, intelligent and hard-working should be largely instrumental to constructing his/her way to success(regardless of sex).
8. Bottom/seductive power is not true power. It is just having the “free road” to the person who wields true power. Women must seek to develop themselves and wield that true power.
9. Women should be true to themselves, challenge themselves, aim above Mt. Everest (there’s nothing like being “too successful/intimidating) and never be afraid of shattering the fragile ego and bloated self-worth of ignorant weak men.
10. We should all be Feminists. In its undiluted, unadulterated, egalitarianism sense as it pertains to social, political and economic status of sexes.

And to conclude, while Chimamanda’s views on equality and feminism may not necessarily be the standard or all-embracing, she, however, raised and discussed solid points which both sexes must reflect upon as we seek to establish a society where no one is a “Second Class citizen”, as Buchi Emecheta wrote. Hence, we (men and women, alike) must all unlearn the centuries-long gender bias we’ve internalized while growing up; and seek to learn proper sex relations in the path to equality of sexes.

This piece was first published on 22nd March, 2018

by Mukhtar Modibbo Halilu

The advent of the COVID-19 pandemic has not only revealed the poor state of infrastructure and facilities in the health sector of  Nigeria but has also revealed the reality of the dilapidation and poor funding of the education sector. Aside from the health sector, no other area has suffered the impact of COVID-19 like education.

While many countries have easily adapted and switched to virtual classes, in Nigeria, it is not only difficult but also impossible to open our schools virtually due to lack of facilities necessary to operate virtual classes, poor provision of internet network,  unstable power supply, high cost of mobile data and other challenges. Many children were out of school even before the pandemic, and even more have dropped out due to the pandemic. CODE’s research on the impact of COVID on Girls’ Education revealed that a significant number of guardians and parents in Nigeria’s North-East were certain that their girls will not be returning to school.

The learn from home teaching method introduced by the Nigerian Ministry of Education to teach through radio and television is not yielding the desired results. The electricity supply in the nation is below average and the majority of Nigerians are living below the poverty line and cannot afford televisions or radios.

The need to Protect Education Budgets

The need to protect education budgets has never been more urgent. Records show that for the past ten years, the Nigerian education sector allocation has not reached the UNESCO recommended 10 to 15% of budget in developing countries. This has led to teachers’ strikes at all levels of education in Nigeria,  with other calamities that have reduced the once proud education sector into a puppet and a complete laughing stock in international education rating standards.

In Nigeria, basic education is financed through concurrent financing from the three tiers of government—Federal, State and Local Government Authority, with distinct financing mandates and responsibilities for each tier. The Federal Government provides 50% and the State and local government as 30% and 20% respectively.

As a result, state investment in education is heavily reliant on the federal account allocation,  making its educational goals susceptible to challenges of national resource mobilization (COVID-19, International Oil Price Fluctuation) and expenditure management.

The Federal Government of Nigeria allocated the sum of 568 billion Naira (approx. USD 1.5 billion) to education in 2020. However as a result of COVID this allocation was reduced to 509 billion Naira (approx. USD 1.34 billion). This has pressured public schools into dismissing hundreds of temporary staff members, and skyrocketed student school fees in various institutions, thereby increasing the inequality in education. 

In addition, the attacks on education facilities in Northeast Nigeria have destroyed infrastructure worth billions of Naira and resulted in the deaths of countless students and teachers.  This destruction requires funding to rebuild and to employ more teachers, as well as strengthen the security to assure the safety of teachers and learners.

Nigeria’s Debt Status

As of March 31, 2020, Nigeria’s debt was at 28.6 trillion Naira (USD79.3 billion). As the country addresses this debt burden, funding to social sectors, especially education, is likely to pay the price. Lack of support for education will affect wider development issues including health, poverty and economic growth, as well as the empowerment of women and young people. This will thereby have a lasting impact on the nation’s economy, safety, literacy and equality. Education provides the platform to improve the quality of life and continuous  regeneration of knowledge, capacity and skill in the society for continuous productivity and development. 

Recommendation

Now is the time for education leaders to step up their investment in education and increase enrollment to schools, especially for girls. All stakeholders must double their efforts to sustain the recorded achievement and contribute to the realization of SDG 4.

To increase enrolment and improve the security of students, we must ensure adequate financing for education and protect education budgets during the COVID-19 pandemic and beyond.  Education must be accessible to all without any form of discrimination. 

Connected Development’s (CODE) Follow the Money initiative, with the support of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, helped improve the delivery of $1.5 million of education funds in Kaduna state in Nigeria, under the universal basic education spend. The project engaged communities and kept them informed on government projects and resources, and it helped them advocate for accountability with contractors and officials. According to a case study and documentary video on the initiative, Follow the Money improved access to education, strengthened accountability, and resulted in delivery of public goods across sectors to neglected communities. A comic strip that pairs with the study tells the story of a family, local media advocacy, and community meetings ultimately achieving better conditions at their school.

While communities are entitled to many services, often the delivery can be hampered by corruption. MacArthur grantee CODE helps give communities the tools to advocate for their priorities and find achievable targets for change. The case study shares take-aways for similar contexts, including supporting local leaders, focusing on near-term successes before long-term change, using holistic monitoring to see multiple measures of success.

Via MacArthur Foundation

Hamzat Lawal tops finalist for World Leading Sustainability Award in Sweden

Anti-corruption activist and Founder of Follow The Money, Hamzat Lawal, has emerged a finalist in the Sweden WIN WIN Gothenburg Sustainability Award, alongside Icelandic whistleblower, Jóhannes Stefánsson, Integrity Watch Afghanistan (IWA), and Italy’s lead prosecutor, Nicola Gratteri.

Lawal and the other finalists were selected “after the jury carefully reviewed 64 nominations from 34 countries around the world, who actively oppose corruption and thus strengthen our opportunities for a sustainable future,” Chairperson of the WIN WIN award jury Emma Dalvag, announced.

USD4 billion is lost every year to corruption across the globe, an enormous figure, which can be compared with the USD2.9 billion financial gap that needs to be filled in order for the world to achieve the UN Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. Fighting corruption often involves risks and requires courage. We are very proud to present a wide range of finalists who, in different ways and in different parts of the world, fight for a fairer and more sustainable world, Dalvag added.” 

Expressing delight about the recognition, Hamzat Lawal says that“the work of Follow The Money is tackling corruption in government’s funding and ensuring that everyone, even in the remote areas, has equal access to basic needs. More importantly, during this COVID pandemic where our lives have been changed and altered, building back better should be the ultimate goal. I am honoured that the Gothenburg Sustainability Award recognises our efforts in this regard.”

In the past few months, the world-leading sustainability award has sought nominations from individuals and organisations that actively combat corruption and thereby improve the opportunities for the world’s countries to achieve the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals. 

Hamzat Lawal founded Follow The Money, a Pan-African grassroots data-driven movement and leads a team of technology & innovation driven campaigners to amplify the voices of marginalized grassroots communities in promoting accountability as regards the utilization of public funds focusing on specific communities across Africa. His Follow The Money initiative won the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals Mobilizer 2019 Award and the Council of Europe’s 2019 Democracy Innovation Award. Lawal was also recognised as one of the world’s 100 most influential people in digital government by Apolitical in 2018 and 2019. He has also been ranked as one of the 100 most influential Africans along with Amina J. Mohammed, Aliko Dangote and Chimamanda Adichie.

By Taiba Habeeb

I remember being asked during my interview for the position of an Executive Assistant to the  Chief Executive Officer of Connected Development;  “Can you be an assistant to a sedulous, diligent and functional boss?’ Being the self assured person I am, I thought to myself  ‘how difficult can it be?’ So I answered YES! With my full chest. Boy, did I know what was in front of me.

My first days at CODE were anxiety and insha allah. As a reserved person, being around mostly boisterous, energetic and passionate young people was overwhelming. At some point, I felt like a misfit, greatly judged for my reserved nature, which caused more anxiety and detachment on my part.

 I remember saying to myself “ these guys missed out on a key requirement of being a part of the organisation during my interview; outgoing”. I’m not going to lie, I struggled trying to be up to par. It was not that I was incapable, but that I lacked information. 

My past experiences helped with my surface knowledge of the NGO sector, but this one was different. At CODE, I began to consciously understanding my colleagues as people who could help me relate easier with them, understanding my boss as a person, and his role as the Chief Executive, the organization’s mission; integrating all three to better understand my role. Doing this created a pattern in my mind that eased my anxiety and detachment.

I’ve been 4 months but I can tell CODE is an organization that believes highly in the resourcefulness of people. Investing in its people is one of her core values and it is truly admirable. Our work, though challenging, allows individuals to freely express themselves; no idea is too silly to be brought to the table. This is an encouraging work culture because staff feel acknowledged and valued.

Do I still feel overwhelmed? Yes, sometimes. Do I understand the system better? Yes, faster than I envisaged. Am I less reserved? Not exactly. Introversion is my inherent nature, it is not a disability and as a regard does not limit my ability to work with the team, except I work a little more quietly. LOL!

CODE is a youth-led Organisation with vibrant a team, irrespective backgrounds, experiences and personalities, who are willing and committed to contributing their own part to achieving the mission of the organisation.

Overall, my experience is one with no destination. Be it four months or two years, my CODEd experience is one that will definitely serve a continual purpose. My boss once told me to “always explore the best of everything life offers you.” That is exactly what I’m doing; EXPLORING!

By Steffia Imoesi

Growing up, I always believed that a lady should live in the shadows and not be seen so as to avoid attracting the wrong crowd. We were taught to settle, be shy, contended, and not speak to elders. This notion was born out of the fact that society made us believe that a woman’s place is at home and they are unfit to handle senior executive roles in an organization. The man’s duty is to work and care for the family. A man is allowed to dream big but when a woman does, she is seen as too ambitious and inconsiderate of her family and domestic obligations.

I have come to understand that some of the challenges of female leaders include limitations caused by societal norms that impede women from attaining leadership roles or competing in a ‘man’s world. As the world evolved, these notions became meaningless. I started to read and watch women break the glass ceiling and take on more important roles, making a great show of exemplary leadership qualities. Women have become  Presidents of Nations, lead global corporations and have done exceedingly well.

Recently, I picked an interest in Dr Ngozi Okonjo Iweala, a renowned Nigerian Economist with a wealth of knowledge in international development and global economy. She sits on the Boards of Standard Chartered Bank, Twitter, Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI), and the African Risk Capacity (ARC).

Previously, Dr Okonjo-Iweala spent a 25-year career at the World Bank as a development economist, scaling the ranks to the Number 2 position of Managing Director, Operations (2007–2011). She also served two terms as Finance Minister of Nigeria (2003–2006, 2011–2015) under the leadership of President Olusegun Obasanjo and President Goodluck Jonathan respectively.

Okonjo was the first woman to become Finance Minister of Nigeria, and first woman to become Finance Minister of Nigeria twice. In 2005, Euromoney named her global finance minister of the year.

Rising to the second position of the world bank, as Managing Director, she had oversight responsibility for the World Bank’s $81 billion operational portfolio in Africa, South Asia, Europe and Central Asia. She spearheaded several World Bank initiatives to assist low-income countries during the 2008 – 2009, food crises, and later during the financial crisis. In 2010, she was Chair of the IDA replenishment, the World Bank’s successful drive to raise $49.3 billion in grants and low interest credit for the poorest countries in the world. She recently clinched the position of the Director-General of the World Trade Organization based on her merit and creditable portfolio over the years

Dr Okonjo-Iweala has shown us that with tenacity, a high degree of professionalism, integrity and influence, women can achieve anything. All these are the qualities I admire in this Icon. She has also taught me that life is limitless, we can dream big as women and be all that we want to be. Infact, Okonjo-Iweala has proved that having it all is a function of personal determination.

Many cases of SGBV are carried out in a household where children are supposed to feel safe and secure, however, home for many children is far from safe.

Charles Uche Esq

Few of the notable deficiencies of the Violence Against Persons Prohibition (VAPP) Act of 2015 are its inability to criminalise spousal rape and provide adequate protection to persons living with disabilities – even though this was (sparsely) addressed by the Discrimination Against Persons with Disabilities (Prohibition) Act of 2018. Sadly, both laws are inoperable at the subnational level without first being enacted by the Houses of Assembly of various states.

On the 2nd and 3rd of February, 2021, I was in Kano state to implement a project sponsored by the Canadian High Commission in Nigeria. Our team was to train 30 young women and men gender-activists on advocacy tools towards ending gender-based violence through the enactment and/or adoption of the provisions of a Violence Against Persons Prohibition (VAPP) Law in Kano  state.

A story was told of two young girls below the age of 14 who were abused by an affluent man in their neighbourhood. The man is attempting to bribe the father of these 2 underage girls with N500,000 so that the court case can be terminated. Another story was told of a woman who was prematurely forced into labor and childbirth due to spousal battery. A lady told her story of how she had to quit her dream job because of sexual harassment from her boss at the workplace. Another story was told of an underage girl who was gang-raped by known men and who used stigma to pressure her into silence. There are countless stories of forced child labour and prostitution and child marriages.

You see, these are what one may describe as a “tip of the iceberg”; just some troubling stories of the ordeals and violence women and girls go through in Kano state and across Nigeria as a result of inter alia inadequate or lack of effective policy and institutional frameworks that carter for  the actualisation of women’s right. In seeking for justice, I discovered that many women or people have preferred to lay their complaints to the Islamic Police: Hisbah Corp which has no legal power to prosecute rape cases and where matters are often settled through mere mediation rather than the Nigeria Police Force which has the broad statutory powers to prosecute virtually all forms of criminal cases, subject to to powers of the Attorney General.

This 2-day workshop I learnt about young female activists; brave and resilient women; some victims with horrific stories of sexual and gender-based violence – and many of whom have been denied justice deliberately and otherwise.

The institutional performance of State agencies that are responsible for ending gender-based violence and protecting women’s rights was rated poor. “The Police have no shelters for victims and would not want to be burdened with such cases. There have also been reports of police officers taking advantage of survivors and women in disadvantaged situations,” a participant at the training noted. Another woman emphasized that police officers often blame the victims or pressure them to go and settle their “domestic affair”. These and many more engenders the distrust and widens the divide between women, victims and the Nigeria Police Force and their ability to access justice. This distrust is being capitalised on by the Hisbah, with its prosecutorial controversies and limited role in criminal justice on the broader scale.

In Kano state, there is only one sexual assault referral centre (SARC) which “ideally” is supposed to function as shelter, forensic evidence extraction point (to be used in trial) and carter for the general rehabilitation needs of victims of sexual violence. This centre is grossly understaffed, under-equipped and underfunded. Kano is the 20th largest state by land mass; perhaps, the second most populous state after Lagos state and has 44 local government areas and hundreds of villages in remote areas – how can women and victims living in marginalised, grassroots communities access the services of the SARC when the facility can barely carter for the victims within its immediate sphere of operation.

Just like the Anti-Domestic Violence Law of Lagos State of 2007, the VAPP Act also provides for the protection of survivors of domestic violence; provides them with opportunity to acquire skills in any vocation and access micro credit facilities. The VAPP Act ultimately seeks to prohibits many forms of violence on persons in private and public life and its domestication in Kano state has been a subject of immense controversy – and have inadvertently faced setbacks in its legislative enactment – as some quarters have linked the law to the realisation of LGBTQ rights in the state or have simply cited cultural or religious reasons as to the hitch – meanwhile, women continue to be susceptible to all forms of abuse and violence within the state with little or no recourse.

The socio-legal debate that have been generated due to the VAPP Law and its adaptation to local context has led relevant government and private stakeholders to reach a middle ground which is allegedly the extraction of notable “contextually-agreeable” provisions of the VAPP Act and infusion into the Penal Code; a harmonisation exercise that has subjected the Penal Code to an amendment process and which would hopefully lead to the manifestation a more inclusive Penal Code Law that broadens the protection and realisation of women’s right in the state. May I state here that I’m sceptical about the outcome of this process – “when” it eventually arrives.

Furthermore, on December 4th, 2018, the Kano state Governor signed the “Law for Persons with Disability”. However, unlike the federal version, the state law didn’t provide for a Commission that would inter alia represent and further the causes of persons living with disabilities (PLWD); did not provide for sanctions in cases where the rights of PLWD are infringed upon; did not provide a transitional period where all public buildings must provide PLWD-friendly entry and access points; did not provide affirmative action in public employment for PLWD, and so forth. All these policy gaps and many more exist for a group often neglected by society,  who are more vulnerable to all forms of violence and abuse, and whose access to justice is much more cumbersome. In fact, the law can simply be deemed a theoretical declaration of rights, perhaps, to hastily fulfill promises or quell international or local pressures. The law and its current amendment process is piloted by the Office of the Secretary to the State Government. While this may be okay at the interim, for sustainability and inclusivity sake, this cause and interests should be coordinated by a ministry of government in charge of social development or special duties.

In conclusion, this article has attempted to analyse and portray policy gaps that exist and suggested ideas towards the protection of vulnerable groups and their rights thereof in Kano state, proffering solutions below. While I support the enactment and domestication of laws to suit local contexts in line with our federal system of governance, these legal and legislative adaptations must not be in aberration of fairness, equity and comprehensive multi-stakeholder engagement, foremost of which are Women groups, Community based groups, Civil Society Organisations and PLWD groups.

Here are some policy recommendations which may be considered and adopted towards ending all forms of violence against women, girls and PLWD in Kano state and across Nigeria:

1. The state government should enact and implement the VAPP Law and/or adopt a utilitarian approach towards the harmonisation of the VAPP Act and Penal Code suitable for the local context, reached through broad, multi-stakeholder and cross-sectoral consultations.
2. The government should enact and implement the Child Rights Law and/or the Child Protection bill.
3. There should be a precise Action Plan to End Gender Based Violence within a definite time frame in form of a policy document, highlighting the role of various stakeholders, amongst other things.
4. There must be gender responsive budgeting in appropriation laws, especially through the budget of the Ministry of Health and/or Women Affairs.
5. There must be establishment and sustainable funding, equipping and professional staffing of more Sexual Assault Referral Centres across the state through annual budgets of the Ministry of Health
6. Implementation of a robust database of sexual perpetrators.
7. Increased sensitization on mainstreaming gender sensitivity and equality in public and private life embarked especially by public institutions as a matter of policy.
8. There should be enhanced special desks at police stations manned by trained, empathetic professionals; and establishment of special courts for sexual related offences to protect identities and ensure speedy, justiciable trials.
9. There must be an amendment of the Persons with Disabilities Law of Kano state to provide comprehensive protection of PLWD by addressing the issues and policy gaps raised in this article. 

Note: This article is not an attack on the institutions of Kano state and should be read with objectivity and with the analytical and solution-driven lens of the writer towards ending violence on women and girls in Kano state and across the country.